The escalating tensions between India and Canada have become headline news in both countries and internationally.

The conversation in the public forum appears to centre around accusations of murder and interference. However, understanding the conflict in 2024 requires historical context. The bombing of Air India Flight 182 on June 23, 1985, is one frequently cited event. It was preceded by Operation Blue Star in June 1984. This Hindu government-driven operation aimed to secure the Golden Temple from Sikh militants using it as their base, but it resulted in a massacre of civilians and heavy damage to the sacred site. Following this, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards on October 31, 1984. Her assassination led to anti-Sikh riots, resulting in the death of thousands of Sikh civilians in widespread sectarian violence.

These incidents are pivotal in understanding the historical context of Sikh grievances and the sense of persecution in India and continue to influence Sikh identity and politics today in Canada.

So, if you thought the Israel-Palestine conflict was a quandary, the separatist idea of an independent Sikh Khalistan joins the list of exported homeland conflict to the Diaspora and has a similarly deep-rooted history.

A Take from India

Indian media often align with their government, labelling Hardeep Singh Nijjar a terrorist and dismissing accusations of Indian involvement in his murder and other alleged activities as "false propaganda." They accuse the Canadian government of using the situation to divert attention from domestic issues and appeal to the Sikh community for political gain.

Outlets like Hindi TV9 Bharatvarsh out of the populous Northern State of Uttar Pradesh suggest that NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh supports the government in order to protect his pension and that both he and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau seek Sikh votes by blaming India. These outlets emphasize the importance of trade and the role of Indian international students in Canada's economy, warning that the dispute could harm both countries economically.

ABP News in the same region calls Canada’s allegations "absurd" and threatens that India's possible responses "will shock the Trudeau government." Options include stopping Indian students from studying in Canada, cancelling Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) cards, denying visas to certain Canadian citizens, and cancelling property rights of Indo-Canadians in India. If Canada imposes trade sanctions on India, reciprocal trade sanctions could also be imposed.

The Navbharat Times daily paper, with a circulation of approximately 770,000 copies with an average issue readership of over two million people in Delhi, Mumbai, Lucknow, Kanpur and other markets, accuses the Trudeau government of interfering in India’s internal affairs, highlighting that some cabinet members are associated with pro-Khalistan extremists. They argue that the Liberals rely on support from a party whose leader endorses separatism.

New Delhi Television Limited, or NDTV, points to Canada’s alleged support of "Khalistani terrorists" as causing the current conflict, noting that the issue dates to the 1985 Air India bombing. They also cite People's Party of Canada Leader Maxime Bernier’s view that Nijjar should not have been a Canadian citizen due to refugee claims based on fraudulent documents.

One does not need to read between the lines to recognize the thread of the Indian reaction to the idea of a separate Sikh state. What distinguishes it most from the Canadian reaction to the FLQ October Crisis in 1970 is perhaps the lower level of violence and the pacific outcome that led to the rise of the Parti Québécois (PQ) to power in 1976 and the formation of the Bloc Québécois (BQ) in 1990, all of which speak to the differences between Canadian and Indian democracies. The Parliament of India represents the largest democratic electorate in the world, but how does it handle things differently from the Canadian?

South Asian Voices in Canada

Given this blood-stained historical background and India’s low rank on the Freedom of the Press index (159th out of 180), it is not surprising that India’s media align with the Indian government. South Asian ethnic media in Canada have been drawing on both Canadian and Indian reporting related to the matter, but they have also brought in local perspectives.

OMNI TV Punjabi, aired daily across Canada, for example, interviewed immigration consultant Nitin Chadha about the impact on visa processing. He says social media are making what is merely a diplomatic dispute look like a “war” has broken out. This has created panic among Canadians of Indian origin, who have been lining up at Visa Application Centres to get visas while they can. Chadha notes that visa processing and consular services continue, albeit with delays.

OMNI has also interviewed Brampton small business owners concerned about trade sanctions affecting imports from India. They emphasize the widespread appreciation for South Asian cuisine in a bid to ensure continued access to imported ingredients. A local business spokesperson remarks on the longstanding relationship between Canada and India, likening it to a challenging marriage that has lasted so long that it is too difficult to have a divorce now.

The network also features international students worried about the dispute’s impact on their education. It covers pro-Khalistan protests outside Indian consulates, where protesters claim India attacks not only dissidents but also Canadian sovereignty. The group Sikhs for Justice is demanding that the Indian consulates be shut down. However, Sikh community members at Visa Application Centres express a desire for consulates to remain open to ensure essential services, stating they feel no threat from their government.

Points from the Peanut Gallery

Interestingly, Chinese media in Canada find the dispute entertaining, likening it to Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou's detention. Netizens on the Chinese website Van People in Vancouver consider that India and Canada have become “the world's entertainment” because of their quarrel. They find it amusing that Canada said it would sanction India, while Canada’s economy is smaller than India's. They speculate that, unlike in the dispute with China, India’s strategic role in the US Indo-Pacific strategy means Trudeau may receive limited support from the US and its allies.

Some commenters perceive Canada’s recent immigration restrictions as targeted attempts to reduce Indian influence. Some netizens on Calgary Life WeChat are suggesting expelling international students or hoping that India will withdraw them.

Comments on Calgary Official WeChat virulently oppose what they see as “tribal disputes” in Canada and call on Indian protesters to go back to India and hold their protests there. They say if the protesters want to start a war, they should go back to India to do so, and Canada should deport them.

Meanwhile, Joe Volpe, the editor of Italian-language daily Corriere Canadese, offers a historical perspective, comparing current events to past cases of foreign interference in Canada. He recalls that the activities of the Irish Fenian raiders from the Northeastern US were an impetus behind the Confederation of British North American Colonies that became Canada and that Irish activism in Canada continued until the Sein Fein was legitimized. He also highlights the internment and surveillance of Italian Canadians during World War II. These reflections underscore that concerns about foreign interference are not new to Canada.

MIREMS’ Take from the Front Row Seat

To lend another perspective to the discussion, foreign interference is an accusation levelled at Canadian activity abroad, in the Peruvian mining industry to cite just one example.

In the current anti-immigrant opinion wave and given the connection between the conflict with India and the fate of international students, it is essential to avoid the demonization of fellow Canadians based on their opinions on anything, but particularly on their opinions of the politics in their countries of origin. Very often, the sins of those politics are visited on those who sought safe haven from them on Canadian soil.

Four decades ago, an unnamed senior federal official at the then Secretariat of State for Multiculturalism made a remark to one of our colleagues that there was a danger that multiculturalism would be a Petri dish for diverse fundamentalisms.

In today’s terminology, this might be translated into the idea that foreign interference is baked into our multicultural reality in the yin-yang of benevolent cooperation and hostile subversion. It is an unintended consequence of the policy that preaches harmony instead of assimilation. It becomes vulnerable in times of polarization and conflict, flaring up into ethnic, religious and political conflicts, of which there have been many over the years, mostly overseas, but most with domestic repercussions.

MIREMS’ recent paper, Diaspora Dynamics Ethnic Media and Foreign Conflict in Multicultural Canada is an analysis of ethnic media and community reactions to the most recent of these conflicts. Follow us on social media for our weekly Ethnic Media Insights bringing the voices of Canadian ethnic and homeland international media on Canadian affairs.
                                                                                  (The MIREMS Team, 2024-10-22)

Background and Inquiry Findings

Canada has been grappling with the issue of foreign interference since early 2023, through a public inquiry examining interference attempts by China, India, Russia, and other foreign actors in recent federal elections. While the inquiry's interim findings suggested limited impact on election outcomes, they highlighted the erosion of public confidence in Canada's democratic institutions as a significant concern.

How does foreign influence of different homeland regimes through ethnic media erode Canadian confidence in its democracy?

Chinese and South Asian Canadian community journalists gave detailed descriptions from their point of view of how their respective homeland governments interact with their communities.

As multilingual media analysts, our team has been tracking the issue objectively across 30 languages and more than 600 sources across Canada and worldwide.

The Need for Continuous Monitoring

The inquiry's focus on specific election periods, while important, may overlook the continuous nature of foreign influence operations. Ongoing monitoring of ethnic media provides valuable insights into evolving narratives and interference attempts between election cycles, allowing for more proactive responses. Regular analysis of ethnic media content helps identify early signs of disinformation campaigns and opinion manipulation, enabling timely interventions to maintain public trust in democratic processes.

Diverse Media Landscape and Consumption Patterns

The Chinese-Canadian Media Ecosystem

Hong Kong-born journalist Victor Ho provided insights into media consumption patterns within the Chinese-Canadian community, noting differences between Hong Kong immigrants and mainland Chinese newcomers. This highlights the importance of monitoring both English-language and Chinese-language media to get a comprehensive picture of information flows within the community. Ho recommended that the Canadian government should monitor what happens in the Chinese media in Canada.

Columnist and broadcaster Ronald Leung said a lot of Chinese media in Canada get their news from the Hong Kong newspapers. Chinese radio in Canada is still majority Cantonese, even though the majority of the Chinese community is now Mandarin. Mandarin speakers from mainland China get their news from homeland sources on the Internet.

Content and Influence in Chinese-Canadian Media

While local Canadian news is presented in Chinese media with diverse views, it often emphasizes divisive issues on which the Chinese-Canadian community tends to disagree with Canadian approaches, such as drug policy, gender identity, crime and human rights.

Certain matters like Taiwan, Hong Kong independence, the Uyghurs, Tibet and the democratic movement in China are taboo, and discussions of other news toe the official line of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

Ho added that most local Chinese-language media has been influenced, if not outright controlled by, the CCP for years. If the CCP seeks to interfere in Canada's democratic process, one of its most effective tools is the Chinese language media.

Mostly, narrative control is exercised through self-censorship within ownership and management structures aligned with the CCP.

In addition, business and community leaders in the community who are close to the local consulate are used as proxies to keep media outlets in line. “They don’t use the consul general to call your people, because that’s too obvious. They use the community advertiser. They use people, especially the traditional Chinese organization leaders, somebody that will come to your office or gives you a ring to have a coffee chat, and then tries to explain the reason why this kind of article is very important.”

The subtle approach to influence, often through community leaders and advertisers, highlights the need for sophisticated monitoring techniques that can detect nuanced changes in media narratives over time. This underscores the need for regular monitoring and analysis to identify patterns of influence and potential breaches of journalistic integrity.

Regulatory Limitations and Shifting Media Landscape

While there are calls for increased regulation of ethnic media through bodies like the CRTC, the shift towards internet-based radio stations and social media consumption presents challenges. Social media platforms like WeChat, Weibo, WhatsApp, and TikTok are frequently used to spread pro-CCP messaging. This evolving landscape necessitates a more comprehensive approach to monitoring that goes beyond traditional media.

The South Asian Media Perspective

Vulnerability of Small Media Outlets

Journalist Gurpreet Singh testified about the vulnerability of ethnic media in the South Asian community, with many outlets run by small family operations susceptible to influence from business groups or foreign entities. This highlights the need for a comprehensive monitoring strategy that encompasses ethnic media serving various communities.

Businesspeople who are close to Indian diplomats can influence a media outlet through their sponsorship and advertising. Singh said monitoring should be intensified of these proxies, especially during election time, as they can influence the voters through various means, including the media outlets.

Taboo Topics and Pressure on Journalists

Taboo issues in the Indian media include Kashmir, Khalistan, the Air India bombing, and the caste system. Journalists who cover these issues get pushback from proxies of the Indian consulate, such as prominent local businesspeople or community leaders. If critical reporting persists, the journalists are excluded from consular events and may be denied visas to India or have their overseas citizenship card revoked.

Some journalists fear they will be arrested for their political views if they travel to India. Some are threatened with consequences for the careers of family members. Journalists favouring the Indian government’s perspectives are rewarded with travel opportunities, event invitations and advertising.

This complex web of influences affecting ethnic media content underscores the importance of regular monitoring and analysis to identify shifts in coverage of sensitive topics.

Beyond the Chinese and South Asian communities

If one looks beyond these communities, in the last decade and a half there are many other instances of foreign interference in Canadian affairs and with expat communities.

Russian interference in Canada has focused on election meddling, disinformation campaigns, and cyberattacks. They have targeted government networks, attempted to influence public opinion through social media, and sought to exacerbate societal divisions. Russian-backed entities have also tried to infiltrate Canadian media outlets and academic institutions to promote pro-Russian narratives and undermine trust in democratic processes.

Iranian interference efforts include cyber espionage, targeting Canadian government agencies and businesses to steal sensitive data. They have also attempted to influence academic institutions and leverage community organizations to shape public opinion. Iran has been accused of using its embassy (before its closure in 2012) to promote its interests and influence Iranian-Canadians.

Other countries, including North Korea, Saudi Arabia, and various Eastern European nations, have also been implicated in interference attempts. These often involve cyberattacks, propaganda dissemination, and attempts to influence policy through funding of think tanks or advocacy groups.

To combat these diverse threats, Canada needs a comprehensive approach to monitoring and countering foreign interference, while realizing that it is a predictable but containable side effect of a robust multicultural policy. This includes robust cybersecurity measures, legislative reforms, and continuous monitoring of ethnic media and other channels of influence. Specialized services that can analyze multilingual content across various platforms will be crucial in identifying and addressing these evolving challenges to Canada's democratic integrity.

Strategies for Effective Ongoing Monitoring of Ethnic Media

To implement effective ongoing monitoring of ethnic media, several strategies can be employed, not only by government but by other organizations within Canada’s diverse society:

1. A comprehensive multilingual monitoring system: Utilize services that can analyze content across various languages and dialects.
2. Advanced analytics: Use data analysis tools to identify trends, sentiment shifts, and emerging narratives across multiple platforms.
3. A diverse team of cultural experts: Engage analysts with deep understanding of various ethnic communities to provide context and nuanced interpretation of media content.
4. Continuous monitoring: Move beyond election-focused monitoring to year-round analysis of ethnic media content.
5. AI and machine learning: Employ these technologies to process large volumes of data and flag potential instances of foreign interference or disinformation.
6. Collaboration with ethnic media outlets: Build relationships to gain insights into pressures and influences they face.
7. A centralized database: Develop a repository of ethnic media sources, journalists, and key influencers.
8. Regular cross-platform analysis: Examine how narratives spread across different media types, regions and communities.
9. Timely reports and alerts: Deliver regular intelligence briefings to relevant stakeholders, offering insights into emerging trends and potential threats.
10. Media literacy initiatives: Develop programs to help communities critically evaluate media content and recognize potential foreign influence attempts.

By implementing these and other strategies, policymakers and stakeholders can enhance their understanding of the ethnic media landscape and better address the challenges of foreign interference in Canada's multicultural democracy.

We at MIREMS have been tracking ethnic media for decades, so we are very glad to hear the voices of key journalists describe the complex ethnic media world for the general public. The full session can be found at https://fic-cie.isi.sh/2024/2024-10-01/english-cc/. It’s worth your time as a concerned Canadian, whether currently in public office or not.

 Services like those offered by MIREMS, with its long-standing expertise in multilingual media monitoring and analysis, can play a crucial role in this ongoing effort to safeguard the integrity of Canada's information ecosystem. Our recent study on Diaspora Dynamics delves into the reactions of ethnic media in Canada to four distinct conflicts: the alleged Chinese interference in Canadian elections, the assassination of a Sikh leader in Canada, the Russia-Ukraine war, and the Israel-Palestine conflict. It can be found at https://www.mirems.com/conferences.html
​                                                                                 (The MIREMS Team, 2024-10-07)